Historia Productions 4Articles |
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© N.R.
Lindsay 2018 |
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Synopsis |
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4 |
Early Australians at Arms
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Most accounts of early Australian military activity begin with
the Soudan expedition. However, there were several earlier fights involving Australian
forces - in compact with or against imperial forces. First, we have to acknowledge the legitimacy of forces of a
non-traditional nature, rather than manufacture excuses not to do so. Then we
have to delve into what really happened, and go beyond the traditional
superficial accounts, to recognise the settlers appearing in the ranks at
Norfolk Island, Castle Hill, Eureka and New Zealand. This account is deficient in not including the Aboriginal
inter-tribal wars and resistance fighters: this will be added subsequently. |
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4 |
The Federated Ironworkers
Association
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Control of the militant Federated Ironworkers Association in 1939
was split between Communist and Labor Party adherents. The Communist Party of
Australia was a creature of the Soviet Union, and after the
Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, where the USSR came to a deal with Nazi Germany to
split Poland and deliver war supplies to Germany, it used its influence in
the FIA to disrupt the war effort, labelling it a 'Capitalist War'. When Germany invaded the USSR in 1941, a dramatic change
occurred - the FIA members were urged to support the now 'Patriotic War'
against Germany, trying to influence the peak Australian Council of Trade
Unions and its other affiliates to support this aim to the detriment of union
members. The ongoing unrelenting flogging of FIA members to maintain war
production led to alienation from the leadership: dogma had triumphed over
responsibility, and self-interest overcame duty to members, as is the case
with ideologues in any field of endeavour. The Balmain Branch carried out a successful revolt which led
to the outcome of reestablishment of traditional
Labor unionism, with the CPA influence marginalised. |
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4 |
Imperial-Australian
Relations in the
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The colonies of the British Empire were protected by the British
Army and Royal Navy, however as some moved from first self-government then to
national independence they became increasingly concerned to have both a say
and a hand in this. While the Home government, army and navy were more than
receptive to having the colonies to pay for this defence, they were unwilling
to relinquish control and risk the colonies dragging them into commitments
and responses which might be inimical with United Kingdom policies and
interests. As a consequence, naval self-defence aspirations were thwarted
under cover of various restrictions and stratagems, avoiding the natural
desire of the newly-independent countries of Australia, Canada and New
Zealand to secure their own special interest rather than just the one
perceived from London. Political persistence and bipartisan policy secured
Australia its own navy, but this remained subject to imperial control well
into both world wars. |
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4 |
Nationalism and its influence
on the
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The nationalistic fervour of the Risorgimento petered out into
the liberal state and its fusion governments. Failure of the brief Crispi
essay into imperialism dissipated a resurgence of support for Italian
greatness, leaving the field largely to nationalistic intellectuals in the
early 1900s. Those limited efforts, however, laid the philosophical
foundation for renewed nationalist political influence as Europe became
increasingly destabilised, providing a rallying point which contributed to
Giolitti’s grudging Libyan war and to the successful interventionist movement
of 1915. In the widespread postwar frustration over the peace settlement, and
with the progressive degradation of internal social and political conditions,
the Nationalist tenets of authoritarianism, militarism and imperialism held
attractions for a broad spectrum of the discontented. Also in the business of appealing to and mobilising the
discontented was Benito Mussolini and his Fascist movement. The general
approach of the Nationalist Party and of the structural socialism of the
Syndicalists contained substantial areas which were compatible with or useful
to his own philosophy. After the electoral failure of 1919 for both Fascists
and Nationalists, and the subsequent weakening of the Socialists in the 1920s
depression, it was apparent that a union of forces hostile to both red and
white socialism was necessary for success and also capable of success. The
Fascist movement absorbed a whole range of revolutionary and right-wing
movements, of which a significant one was the Nationalist Party. That
absorption was not one sided, however, as the Nationalists could claim to
have influenced Mussolini and the Fascist Party strongly towards the
historical institutions of monarchy, church and army, in the pursuit of a
greater Italy dominant in world affairs, and in using the state rather than
the party as the instrument of authoritarian control of Fascist Italy. |
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4 |
Porton: Australia's
Mini-Dunkirk
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In the closing stages of the Pacific War in 1945, Australia
carried out a series of operations which were unrelated to the defeat of Japan
- attacking bypassed Japanese garrisons in the Dutch East Indies and New
Guinea and the Islands. With the US amphibious forces moving on the
Philippines and towards Japan, these operations had to rest on Australian
resources which were limited in scope and quantity. One operation on Bougainville in the northern sector had run
up against stiff opposition, and it was decided to carry out a small
amphibious landing to outflank the position. Over-optimistic planning,
limited fire support and environmental obstacles against a resourceful and
determined enemy turned the landing into a nightmare from which it was
difficult to extricate the force when failure became apparent. The US forces understood that an amphibious operation, even
with massive preparation and support, was a knife edge proposition. They were
never impressed with the casual approach of Australian forces who relied
largely on improvisation in an environment which was unforgiving of such an
approach. At Porton Plantation this caution was not heeded, with
disastrous results. The story of Porton is a mixture of foolhardiness,
heroism and a lesson in the fragility of amphibious operations, no matter
what their scale. An example of a later attempt at a similar operation in
Vietnam is given as a reminder of lessons not learnt. |
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4 |
The
Rising Sun Badge
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The origins of the Australian Army Rising Sun badge have been the
subject of many attempts to pin it down, with some expressing absolute
confidence in their version, and these varying versions picked over,
supported, denigrated, accepted and repeated. Short of some absolute
revelation, we can but guess on which images were most powerful in getting us
to the version which was officially adopted and subsequently adapted. The
ongoing lesson is that historians who use the words first, last, biggest,
smallest etc etc are highly likely to have another researcher trump them with
a firster, laster, etc version. Always better to leave an escape by using more general
expressions to allow for the fact that there is no law of the universe which
says you must be right. The same applies to the luvvies who say with absolute
confidence 'you're wrong!', who deserve the humiliation they often get when
it is they who are caught out, and have no other resort than the personal
abuse which they then have to fall back on. It is not only the climate change
religionists who back them who back themselves into such corners. Historians
do well to respond to others with the more polite 'why do you say that?' or
'what is your evidence' rather than dogmatic claims meant to overwhelm and
intimidate others. |
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4 |
Irresponsible Government
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Contemporary sources such as newspapers in New South Wales in
the 'blended' Legislative Council era 1843-56 – pre-responsible government –
routinely referred to parliamentary parties, factions, and tails. While these
came into existence before political parties arose in the 1890s, they did not
exist as real, cohesive groups before 1856. Yes, they did not realise what they were saying. An analysis
of the voting patterns of alleged parties and factions showed that there is
no synchronisation of voting on a broad basis, that the alleged leaders of
the alleged parties and factions – Lowe, Wentworth, Cooper and Thomson – led
no group. It was simply a case of individuals voting the same way on specific
issues on which they agreed, and these transitory alliances disappeared for
the (bulk) of other issues where they voted with others with whom they had
disagreed on the other issues. With 697 bills considered in the 13 years,
there is no continuity of extended alliance voting patterns It was not until the handling of departments headed by the
Governor's office bearers to elected ministers in the Responsible Government
era in 1856 that those ministers had to bond together in factions to avoid
their competition for influence, resources and member support rendering
government ungovernable. |
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